28 translated pages
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REMARKS
ON
LITERARY PROPERTY
IN RESPONSE
TO THE ESSAY PUBLISHED IN THE MADRID GAZETTE
ON 31 JULY AND 1 AUGUST OF THIS YEAR
VALENCIA
IMPRENTA DE J. FERRER DE ORGA.
_________________
1838.
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The editors of Gazeta de Madrid praised the
Diccio- nario de jurisprudencia of Mr. Joaquín Escriche, and an example
of merit, they copied numbers 1352 and 1353 in full of
the author’s article. It seems to me that their
choice was not very accurate (unless they take all the cloth from
the same roll,which I have neither had the time nor humour to examine).
Besides his declamatory and pedantic style, it has no method whatsoever
and jumps from one thing to another without any connection or plan.
The worst thing is that it includes several untruths as I am going to
demonstrate. Hence, this fixes certain ideas on
literary property rights, which is something our [Spanish] Parliament
should not delay in attending to.
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THE PECULIAR NATURE OF LITERARY PROPERTY
Undoubtedly the author of any work owns it,
unless he concedes its rights to someone else, and this property appears
with certain privileged distinctions based on the nobility of
its origin and illustriousness of its object. When the ownership of
personal property or roots are judged in so many ways in every nation,
and more so in some others than in ours,
and when there are jurists who support that neither the author
should be granted exclusive powers to print his written documents, which is
a paradox for me; we must examine what has influenced this substantial,
and apparently unjust, difference.
These are three main reasons: 1. The author works more for profit,
and the enlightenment of his fellow beings, and neither
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one thing nor the other would be completely achieved, if he himself and his
inheritors could re-print the book because they do not even have the means
to reproduce it and sell it to all the other speculators.
Neither is it easy to publish in more than one nation. 2. This right
is not transmissible for a large number of years, as it cannot
be easily divided. In very few years time, it would stumble over thirty
or forty heirs of the inheritors, some would not have the
powers to reprint it, others would completely reject it,
and others would not want it unless under certain conditions. And
even if it were feasible for them to agree on its enforcement, they would
retract from doing so as they would have to entrust commissioning it to
a great number of foreign hands,and there would be
difficulties when dividing the profit or the losses;
the result would be that the work would never come to light
again and the public would not have this knowledge that would be very
useful and perhaps necessary for them. For the same reason,
the means for divulging written works have always been made available;
and this is how every country allows translations into other languages
of any work in view of the author, without him being able to protest
against this. This is very much more simple than summarizing or
commenting on the written document. 3. Ownership of a book cannot
leave the nation where it was written; wanting to establish an
international right that is common to everyone, is a delirium
that some less reflexive heads among us have given thought to.
They soon had to drop it because it was impracticable.
practicable. In effect, apart from the embarrassments that would be caused
in the event of war and the damages that the industry and
commerce of every country would sustain in times of peace, would it
be possible to establish a similar right? Is there any author
who has the means at hand for reproducing and translating
their original work in every nation at the same time? And if
he was unable to verify this, and to say the least his inheritors
and their heirs, multiplied by generation, both in number and diversity
of their ideas and interests? Is it allowed, according to Common Law rules,
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to force them to do something they cannot or do not want to do?
How long should elapse to see their rights expire? Under a system
which in all justice should extend to machines and inventions of
any kind, a barrier would soon be built between nations that was even
more impenetrable than the Wall of China. There would be few who today
were not very close to the infancy of enlightenment, if by chance
they had adopted it. It is therefore evident that
this
property cannot succumb to the same fate, have the same guarantees,
or be subject to the same rules as other properties. Consequently,
the thesis that Mr. Escriche obstinately supports is false.
________________
LEGISLATIVE BASES ON THIS POINT
This explains why almost every country, where there are laws or
practices ensuring literary property rights, has agreed to
establish them based on the following axioms, with some very slight
variations:
1.
The author has ownership throughout his lifetime. 2.
His inheritors only has this for a certain and short number of years. If there is any exception, it is in favour of his widow and children.
3.
Once the immediate inheritors have deceased, the work becomes part of
the public domain. 4.
Anyone can publish it when translated into another language in the
same country in which the author brought it to light. 5.
Ownership of a written document (both its title and its content)
is only within the nation in which it was printed for the first time,
whenever all the requirements prescribed by law have been fulfilled. 6.
The author or owner of the first edition produced in a foreign
country cannot claim the property rights as his.
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The
Gramática by the Frenchman Chantreau, whose ownership is
based in Spain, has been re-printed several times in France during
the author’s lifetime and novels by the Anglo-American Cooper, who
published them in Paris, have been repeated in the United States of North
America without his consent. Sir Walter Scott did not begin to
print his
Novels and the
Life of Napoleon in Paris or on New
York knowing that he could not obtain exclusive rights in
England; but before publishing them, he signed a contract with
some booksellers in France, America and Russia, advancing proof
that they could verify reprinting or translating them, at their convenience,
two or three months before other speculators.
This is the summary of what was done in former times and in the new
continent; it is notable to see that both address practices
rather than laws, which are very few in France.
________________
WHAT APPEARS IN OUR USES AND LAWS
We still have even less, because the need of prior censorship,
the barriers that the press has always suffered, the
inquisitorial surveillance with which they are watched, and the
lack of incentives for speculations of this kind, excused us from
the laws indicating the limitations of literary property rights
and which punished any transgressors. However, let us examine
what positive facts and the laws compiled in the eighth book of
Novísima provide.
Cervantes published the first part of his immortal
Don Quixote (one of the few works that would have produced profit for the
successors, if the literary property rights could have been transferred
like the others). In 1604, the kingdoms of Castile granted him a ten-year
privilege, and then those for Aragon and Portugal in
1605. Without any doubt, the author did not have the slightest
involvement in reprinting the first part
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in Valencia that same year, and of the second in 1616, because
laws 3, 4, and 13 of tit. 16, lib. VII of the Novísima were
different from those in the kingdoms of Aragon, Valencia, and
Catalonia. There is no record that Cervantes had a privilege other
than for Castile, Aragon and Portugal. Two editions of the first part,
one in Milan in 1610 and another in Brussels in 1611, and the second
part in Brussels in 1616, were reprinted without his consent,
even though both cities were under the rule of the Spanish crown.
They could have claimed less for reprinting his work in Navarre
because up until 1783, it was not ordered (law 30 of tit. 16) that
if the book was printed or reprinted in Castile or Aragon under
an exclusive privilege, the Council of Navarre would not allow it
to be reprinted in that kingdom to the detriment to the author or
his inheritors. Cervantes died in 1616, and what had to happen
did happen. The inheritors were not careful or did not have the means
suceda, de que los herederos no se cuidaron ó no tuvieron medios
to re-print
Don Quixote, because they did not apply
for permission to do so.In 1637, permission was granted to Pedro Coello,
a book merchant, who was the first to publish both parts at the
same printers and in a uniform size. This is what happened
in former times.
In the times of Charles III, there was a first mention of
the ownership of written documents, and law 24 of tit. 16, lib. VIII
of the Novísima prohibited granting anyone an exclusive privilege
other than to the author. Law 25 prescribed that the privilege should
continue for the inheritors if they requested it. This privilege, far
from being just
the recognition of a right, as Mr. Escriche
assures, was the basic statement of such a right, so the author
had to go to renew it when it expired, which was always every
ten years; and law 26, which clarified the two previous ones, stated
in Art. 3 that, with regard to the author and to his inheritors, if
no extension was requested within one year, the licence would be
granted to whoever applied for it; if the author did not use it
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within the timeframe that the Council indicated, the work would
be left at the disposal of the Government; and Art. 4 stated that
the inheritors had to verify reprinting it within the
limited term that was set, otherwise they would lose the sole right.
Consequently, the right that authors and their inheritors had to
print the works how and when they wished was not as extensive and
absolute as Mr. Escriche wanted to imply. They were very limited,
as we have just seen, by the said Articles in law 26; neither
would it be of good logic to deduce that only an
exclusive privilege was granted. It mattered very little that instead of
this privilege only a
simple printing authorisation was given to others because, by granting it to whoever applied for
it, there could be no more effective way of destroying the
exclusive rights of authors. In effect, law 26, which is the last
of its kind among the Novísima, tends to help studying the sciences,
literature and the arts, and to favour printers and booksellers.
Therefore,
the public cause lies in fomenting an art and a trade that contributes to general culture, and to divulging science and useful knowledge, for use of the exact
expressions at the end of this law.
Twenty or thirty years after having been promulgated,
it became obsolete. Not only have we seen that after
the death of Mr. Tomas de Iriarte and Mr. Félix Maria
Samaniego, and even when their heirs were still alive,
permission was granted to whoever applied for re-
printing their
Fábulas ; but the comedies of
Moratín,
El delincuente honesto by Jovellános, and some other
books were re-printed in Spain with
the required licences during
the authors’ lifetime. As there is not even a law of the 67 that fill
titles, 15, 16, 17 and 18 of lib. VIII of the Novísima Recopilación,
that has not expired, equally the
Autos acordados (decrees) that referred to them, it is essential for us to refer to the very few
ones that our Spanish Parliament or our kings have recently promulgated.
Neither the decree of 22 October 1820 nor the additional one
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of 12 February 1822, reinstated by His Majesty on 17
August 1836, refer to literary property rights.
As what was expressly granted was not restored by the Spanish
Parliament on 22 July 1823, that His Majesty sanctioned on
5 August that same year, I will only mention that the three
first articles should be read so they are in keeping with
the singular nature of the ownership of writings;
many other chapters are missing from this law and it should
be understood from article nine concerning translations
that the custom used in France that many uphold, if there is
a discrepancy, however small it might be, for every ten lines
of the first translation, the translation is to be taken as different.
Intelligent people know how easy it is to sometimes use a synonym,
and add or remove something, without this being called a
new work.Art. 18 of this decree was also
devoted to the principle recognized by every nations, that “works
by Spanish writers printed abroad that were of common property,
or if they were owned by someone and had been printed there with
their consent could be brought into and sold in Spain, paying the relevant
rights or those for “customs duty”. This is the only thing on
this matter that can be said in accordance with the right
principles of Economy. It was still different from theme art. 603
of the 1822 Penal Code, which had already reduced death sentences,
forfeiting belongings, exile or prison to a fine for 15 to 30
duros [Spanish five-peseta coin].
The only decree establishing literary property rights in a clear
and fairer way, although in a tiny manner, is that of HM the Queen
on 4 January 1834 in its fourth title. The royal order of 5
May 1837 only refers to the benefit authors or translators
of dramas should derive from their performance, and not to their right
to print and re-print them, which is the point we are dealing
with right now. After reading that Royal Decree, it seems to be very
clear that all its regulations concern books printed in the
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Spanish dominions: almost none would be applicable to other (territories)
especially those under the third title dealing with obligations
of authors, printers and engravers, and of their responsibility.
The fourth title begins by saying that
"authors of original works", implying that these works must have been printed in
accordance with the articles mentioned above, and consequently in Spain. It was
not even required to ask for a response to this law, since it is obvious
that no nation has nothing to say to what is done beyond it,
except in only a few and specific cases. Here neither we recognise as
an inventor of a machine the one who enjoys such a patent in
England, nor (we consider) the author of a book the one
published in France. Anyone can introduce a machine into Spain that
is protected by English laws, and re-print books that the
author or his cessionary own in France. Let us suppose that
Mr. Amoros is the owner in that country of an invention
for Gymnastic exercises; Who can prevent the first
Spaniard who so wishes to bring it here and put it on our soil?
Who has never dreamt that he could not reproduce many works
and translations that only a few years ago we re-printed here
by Marchena, Sicilia and other Spaniards? How could it be disputed
the right to the printer of Palma Villalonga by which he re-printed
Martinez de la Rosa'
Poética?
Desiring to give the same status to the prints made
by the Spanish abroad to our prints would be to claim that they are
subject to a penalty (usurpation), when they re-print there some books
the ownership of which is located in Spain, this should be punished as
an infringement of Art. 2 of the decree of 22 October 1820,
those born in these kingdoms who publish abroad
any work about the Holy Scriptures and on the dogmas of our holy
religion, without the prior licence of the Ordinary. When we reflect on
the same issue by saying:
Our laws secure the ownership of their writings to the authors during their lifetime: I am an author- of such a book published in Paris; then only I can re-print it in Spain;
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this is as good reasoning as the following:
Our laws impose a death penalty on murderers: so-and-so is because he maliciously killed his travel companion in Turkey; then he must suffer his last torture here. One is neither the
author or the other the
assassin that our laws suppose and claim. Mr. Escriche himself has
inadvertently lost the true doctrine and the one applicable
on this point, when he says halfway through his article that
que
as the laws that in every nation ensure authors the- ownership of their works can only be enforceable in their own territory, there is, in fact, reciprocal freedom between nations for re-printing foreign books that are published in other nations. Earlier on
he had said that
not only national authors, but also foreigners who print their works in Spain, enjoy property rights here, since the law neither excludes them, nor even limits everyone’s overall right to make the fruit of their labour their own.In fact,
neither our laws nor the foreign ones distinguish between ownership
rights acquired by them to publish a work by reference to whether
they are a national, resident foreigner, or a transient. Therefore,
what is established in both parts, copied from Mr. Escriche's essay,
is all that can be said on the matter.
It is incredible that he, who has laid down these principles,
deflects from them based on an argument that appears to be right
but is no more than a paralogism.
Property rights, according to Mr. Escriche,
begin with the work, grow with it, and accompany whenever the author started forming it, because everyone is the owner of the products of their industry … The laws that protect and guarantee literary property in general are as applicable to manuscripts as to printed specimens and for sale; so therefore those who, without permission from the author or the owner, give the printers a manuscript that has come into their hands, will commit an act against literary property rights, and will incur in the same penalties as those who re-print an already published work.As
these are the only grounds to suggest that no one can re-print the works
by a Spaniard here who has published it abroad, and that
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this crime is a true theft, we should clarify the play on words
surrounding such reasoning and point out the absurd consequences
that can be derived from it.
Whoever steals a manuscript, commits the crime of misappropriating
someone else’s treasure, whether this is gold, a belonging made of
silver or clay, depending on the great or small merit of the work,
and more even, depending on the greater or smaller use that its
publication promises. By the same rule, he is forced to return it to the owner
and pay him indemnity for the damages that its use might have
caused him, in the same way as if he had taken an animal, machine
or brig away from him that provided him with some kind of benefit.
However, he is not an usurper of what we call
literary property as this does not start to exist until it is a legally printed and published
work. The laws that protect it always refer to printed books
and those printed under such and such conditions; and even the
penalties imposed on the infringers tend to be based on the sale price
of the first edition. Art. 1 of the decree of the Convention of 19 July
1793 declaring authors’ rights, establishes that they have the exclusive
right
to sell, authorise selling and distribute their works in the domains of the Republic. Could this be done with a
manuscript? The regulation for printers and booksellers, issued by Napo-
leon on 5 February 1810, when referring to the same thing, says in
artic. 40:
Authors, not only nationals but also foreign authors, of any printed or engraved work may sell their rights, etc. In the
same way, articles 30 and 32 of His Majesty’s decree of 1834
prohibit anyone from
re-printing the works for which
someone else is the owner; and only the inattentive eyes of Mr. Escriche
can see a
presumption where a principle lies, namely that the work
has to be published so that the five articles of title four can be applied.
Laws cannot limit ownership of a manuscript to a certain number of years,
whether it is
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in the hands of the author, or anyone else who is legitimately
entitled to it; but as soon as it becomes printed matter,
the law of 9 July 1778 (26 of tit. 16) told authors and their
inheritors:
Come to renew the ten-year privilege that the laws of 1763 and 64 give you, and if you neither do this, nor reproduce the work within the term you are told, I will permit whoever first requests to re-print it; and that of 4 January 1834 which secures
the ownership to the author for the whole of his lifetime, and to the inheritors
for only ten years, ordering that the work would become then public domain.
Such is the essential difference established by our laws between the literary
ownership of a printed book and the absolute domain with which a manuscript
is owned. Whoever lends the manuscript, for example, is doing the same as if he
wrote a letter to someone without authorizing him to publicize it;
and if an individual (these are Mr. Escriche’s precise words)
were to publish confidential letters that were addressed to him personally, or that had come into his hands,... a publication of this kind would not be considered a crime against literary
property rights,
but a breach of trust or as an infringement of the tacit contract implied by any private correspondence. Let us now see the consequences deriving from this if supposedly the
author enjoys literary property rights from the time he starts to create
the work.
First. The writer would not have such a privilege for being German,
English or Spanish, which seems to be the central point of all
Mr. Escriche’s arguments, but for having started, continued or concluded
his work in this or that nation. Above all, we should determine if we are
to abide by the birth, youth or adulthood of the manuscript,
or if it is indispensable that it has followed the whole career
until its conclusion in the same country. In whatever way this is
established, it would not be easier for Mr. Escriche to prove that
he had worked in full or in part on his
Diccionario in Spain,
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than to a Frenchman visiting the Peninsula before publishing a book
in Paris, which was the fruit of his wakes on the river banks of the
Manzanares or the Guadalquivir. Mr. Escriche can be sure
that nowhere will such legislation be recognized; and however clear
the proof might be that he had only written his work in Paris,
it would be of little use to establish his literary property rights there,
if he had not published it in the French territory.
Second. If the author begins to enjoy the privileges and rights
attached to literary property since he started his work, those who inherit
it before is printed, will have to be content with the limited and short
ten-year possession that the law grants to the inheritors of who already
enjoyed that property. However, everyone recognizes as rational
the doctrine expressed by Mr. Escriche when he says:
Whoever inherits or through another just title becomes the owner of a posthumous work, this is to say, a work that the author left in manuscript without having it printed, must have the same rights as the late author, and enjoy ownership rights throughout his lifetime; because by publishing it and extracting it from the oblivion it was in, puts him in the place of
the author and acts in his stead with probably no little benefit to national literature. So unwise are the consequences extracted from the erroneous principle
that the laws on literary property are applicable to writings
as soon as the author puts his hand to them; consequences that Mr.
Escriche could have avoided if he had never left the circle which he himself
outlined in this passage: Under our laws, literary works, either manuscript or
printed works, are covered by the number of private belongings that anybody can
have except their owners, subject to special modifications that the different
nature of these belongings require. Our laws therefore, taking into account the
different nature of a manuscript and of an already published book, protect the
property of the first like other personal properties; and consequently whoever
steals it,
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has to return it and pay indemnity for the damages. For printed works,
we have special laws in Spain but these neither have protected
nor protect other than those published with permission from bishops,
archbishops, the Holy Office, presidents of the Courts, Council,
or judges of printers during the various times in which a preliminary
licence was required; any publications coming from a printer whose owner
had to abide by conditions and penalties indicated in title three of
the decree of 4 January 1834, and those who had handed in two copies
for the Library of the Spanish Parliament (that now do not have to be
submitted) and one for the national library, and responsibility
lay with the author or publisher and the printer in cases under title five of
the decree of 22 October 1820. That is to say, our laws have never
protected literary property here for those who published their
works abroad and neither have they provided any kind of protection for
manuscripts by Spanish authors because foreign nations are not within their
reach.
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EMIGRANTS SHOULD NOT RECEIVE INDEMNITY FOR WORKS THEY PRINT
DURING THEIR EXPATRIATION
As Mr. Escriche foresees that it is not easy to conceal the enlightened truths
that anyone with common sense could see, and badly mixing personal business
in a reflexive essay devoted to instruct, as a last resort he tries to excite
readers’ compassion, by saying that whatever is wanted from other
Spanish authors who publish works in foreign countries, there can be no
doubt that those who were launched by political revolts also have ownership
in their motherlands. They have found themselves in the sad need to beg
for food and shelter from strangers because of the unjust tyrants of
their homeland denied them. Surely he could have omitted the exclamations about
his intention, mixed with some Latin flavoured gerunds,
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because nobody ignores that by having to leave their country by force and
unjustly, they should be indemnified for the damages they sustained for this
very reason. Nevertheless, even by returning emigrants to wherever they
should be under a rigorous scale, so they receive the salaries owed to them,
and sactions that not everybody could obtain were required in order to give
them other legitimate indemnities. Since literary property cannot be given
an extension that does not have, things will stay as they are.
There will be not be any variation to this state of affairs
because these things should not be included in a legislation that could now
be proclaimed.
We should also find out whether emigrants have suffered advantages or
disadvantages because of this, as they can only claim compensation but they
argue for their benefits or the conveniences achieved by chance in
other nations to be increased or doubled. On this point, Mr. Escriche provides
some light by saying that a Spaniard might prefer to print a work abroad,
whether to launch it there to be protected by foreign laws in order to prevent it
from being reprinted, if it was first published in Spain, or for selling it in
another country with whom (with which) Spain has severed their commercial
relations. If, generally speaking, we add to these advantages those derived from
the more beautiful and cheaper French editions compared to those produced on
the Peninsula, we will infer that to emigrants who, for being there, have
been able to establish property rights on their works in France,
which they would not have been able to achieve if they also had it in Spain.
According to what we have said above, a benefit that can hardly be promised
has followed. And trying to increase this now with the concession of the
same rights in their country, it is exactly the same as if Mr. Alcalá Galiano were to
request the University of Madrid to bestow upon him a professorship equal
to the one he worthily held at the University of London.
In view of the limited leeway of this principle, it should not appear
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to be completely ludicrous that, on his return to Spain in 1820, Mr.
Tomas de Isturiz were to ask that he be given an amount equivalent to the
huge amount he spent in that capital, because this was due to having
emigrated.
Our Government, well introduced in these truths, far from issuing a
general order to every emigrant to bring to our domains the works they
might have published abroad, it has found out which were useful to
Spaniards,without offering for the time being sufficient incentive to
reproduce them here. It has allowed the introduction of
a certain number of copies under
a moderate right, not as compensation
for damages that they have not been able to recover for any title published abroad,
but as a kind of remuneration for their sufferings and for the losses caused by
leaving their motherland. Members of Parliament should be cautious to
examine this matter from their true point of view if when they meet again,
they are presented with a petition that was circulating in Madrid over the last few
months gathering emigrants’ signatures who want the Spanish Parliament
to declare that nobody except them could re-print in Spain whatever works
had already been published abroad. This proves by itself that
such a law, that Mr. Escriche thinks there is, has yet to be done.
Moreover the said behaviour of the Government demonstrates that in Spain
the rights that Spanish nationals hold in other nations are unrecognised.
Let's imagine for a moment that our laws granted to Spaniards the
universality of rights Mr. Escriche believes is just and convenient. Would this
provide our industry with any advantage? Quite the contrary; without a navy
for such trading, not being able to dispatch our manufactures to the markets
in the New World as easily as when hardly any others were known, and
overwhelmed by the disastrous consequences of three centuries of despotism
and of an exterminating civil war, our neighbours will surpass us for many years
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with cheaper and better paper, printing and binding, and even more with
the means of transporting and dispatching the finished books. If to all these
advantages, that are really in excess, our Government were to add the
extraordinary one by which Spaniards could retain the rights here for whatever
they printed abroad, it would not take long to only supply our printers
with paper of local interest or for books with limited sales, because everyone
would prefer to hold the property rights for the same work in two nations,
instead of only in one.
I have tried to argued against Mr. Escriche on this point with every
entrenchment available, so he had no doubt about the erroneous doctrine
he so passionately upholds, and that consequently he becomes convinced
that anyone can or could re-print the Parisian edition of his Diccio-
nario de legislacion, in Spain, although not the additions
that enlarge the second one. And when someone does what the law does not prohibit,
what our practices and those of the most civilised nations sanction,
his action is lawful, and there is neither any prey, or
rapacity, or piracy, nor theft, nor stealing,
or anything like that. This is not the first occasion in which I have observed
that Mr. Escriche is badly informed of what words mean,
or he is not very scrupulous in confusing them. But as the reflections
I could make about the conduct upheld in the business I allude
would neither enlighten the public, nor belong to the matter,
I shall leave them aside in order to continue going over other
witticisms from La Gazeta.
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MR.. ESCRICHE’S NEW BLUNDERS AND MISTAKES
Far from the truth at the bottom of the matter that I have proposed to
clarify, he incurs in several inaccuracies and mistakes that I cannot let go by in
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silence. I shall therefore try to explain them following the same disorder
found in the never sufficiently pondered article Autor.
1. Not only the 41 laws of tit. 16, lib. VII of the Novísima addresses
earlier censorship and licences to print, the five of tit. 17 do so too.
2. The decree of 17 August 1836 reinstated that of the Spanish
Parliament of 22 October 1820 and the additional one of 12 February 1822;
and according to Mr. Escriche’s way of saying it, it seems as if only the
first one was reinstated.
3. Without it being essential to further his intentions, Mr. Escriche
insists with the greatest determination in upholding that the law of
Philip III of 1610 (7 of tit. 16) referred to not allowing books printed
in romance outside Castile to be introduced there, and not to prevent
Castilians from printing their works outside the kingdom. This is
absolutely false, either because the former was stated in the
draconian law of Philip II of 1558 (3 of tit. 16 ) in the most rigorously
manner; or because the preamble of the 7th and the decision agreed
by the Council of 15 September of 1617 clearly stated the latter;
or finally because the history of typography of that era evidenced it.
At Ricardo del Campo’s (who is undoubtedly the Richard Fields, London
printer), Cipriano de Valera had just produced his translation of the
New Testament in 1596, the one he did of Instituciones de la re-
ligion cristiana by Calvin in 1597, and the Dos Tratados, del Papa y
de la Misa in 1599, and his Biblia in Amsterdam in 1602.
In 1591, Antonio Pérez had threatened from Zaragoza that he would
publish his rebuttals, and in fact, they were printed in Pau that same
year. With the death of Philip II, Antonio Pérez began to hope that
he would be allow to return to Spain; but the inquisitors hindered this
with one hand, and with the other stored the materials they collected
to really burn him alive, because beforehand it had only been as a statue.
They also wanted no other Spanish title to escape from their claws
Chapter 1 Page 20
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if it had been printed in other countries, should their bad luck brought them
this way. This was the reason why they got Philip III to promulgate this Act,
while having such direct part as in others from the same reign and from
the predecessors.
It was not necessary for Mr. Escriche to be so tiresome as he did to prove
that this Act was completely and everywhere out of date since its very beginning. It
would have been enough to consider that actions done in another nation
were outside the scope of our laws. When you are far away from
true principles, you sometimes waste a lot of time establishing
what you could have demonstrated in the right way in few words.
By doing that, he would have saved himself from developing a peculiar
explanation of however much this law deprives of the nature, honours,
dignities, and half of his belongings to those who printed some work abroad,
and however much the decree agreed on 15 September 1617
makes the licence granted by the Council invalid and worthless;
not because of that should it be understood that property rights
were removed from the author in Spain for such work. I shall now have
to ask with Mr. Escriche: Would there be by any chance,
anyone who believes that the same fact can simultaneously produce rights
and penalties in favour and against the same person?. Nobody can
improve their condition with a crime: nobody acquires rights or actions
with malice.
4. Most editions in romance that were printed outside Spain during
the last half of the 16th century and at the beginning of the next one,
came from presses in the Netherlands, Naples and the Duchy of Milan,
which were subject to the same system of censorship and licences
as ours, as at the time governors appointed by our kings headed these
states. With such requirements, all books were published there
and the Spanish ones were either reprinted from those coming from
the Peninsula, or their authors publish them there because they
were living there. The little amount of books printed in other places is almost
limited to a few elementary treaties in our language published
Chapter 1 Page 21
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in Paris, Geneva, Rome, Venice, Rouen, Lyon, etc.
to Julian Medrano, César Oudin, Franciosini, Ambrosio de Sala-
zar and various others since they used to teach it; to the reprinting
of some of our short novels that occassionally accompanied a French
or Italian translation for the use of their students and finally, to pro-
ductions of the kind of those few mentioned by Valera and those by
other Protestants, so that nobody dared introduce into Spain in the times
of thebenign Philip II or in that of his son, in the same
way , that no one dared introduce Cartas y Re-
laciones by Antonio Pérez. Check out this brief but historic-
bibliographical review of the Spanish books that were then published
abroad, and compare it with the wrong impression that any of the following
paragraphs from Mr. Escriche give. The
proceedings, he says, and formalities required by law for
printing were so awkward, and so rigorous and long the examination that
had to be performed beforehand based on the contents of the writings,
that there was hardly no one who, after such a long time and having exerted their
patience, was able to obtain the competent authorisation from the Council to produce
them; and therefore authors preferred to send and print their works
abroad in order to bring them back, as they really did, by a thousand ways to the kingdom,
where, without much difficulty they could circulate and sell them.
The laws were circumvented in this way. Books were spread around that had
not undergone the rigid and suspicious censorship rules,
and ideas that Government and Inquisition had decided to eliminate
were however propagated. After listening to such an absolute conclusion, it would seem
that our presses were totally shut and that there was no author who did not
go abroad. However, it is evident that of the few books that were printed without
the same formalities used here that the Spanish authorities also allowed,
there was hardly one, whose circulation in the Peninsula was convenient
or possible to his author.
5. I do not know which legal rule Mr. Escriche used to raise at least
Chapter 1 Page 22
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the doubt of whether the restatement in 1836 of the decree of
22 October 1820 has completely abolished that of 4 January 1834,
and whether the same can be inferred by the simple fact that it is
not mentioned in that of 5 May 1837. A law does not abolish
another in the chapters that the later one does not include, and
the one of 1820, reinstated in 1836, did not mention the subject of literary
property rights, which totally covers title four of that of 1834. Even less
should the lawmakers’ silence be considered enough, when the
derogation should be as express and solemn as it was the legislation
of the abolished law.
6. It is inaccurate to say that the Royal Decree of 5 May 1837
implies and proclaims the principle by which property rights not only
protects printed works, but also (on) hand-written ones. It
only refers to dramatic works, from which the author can extract
something useful, even though they are hand-written, as the
preacher does from his sermon and the professor from his lectures.
Other hand-written works are indisputably owned by whoever holds
them under lock of his desk drawer, but without earning any profit
at all.
7. Both paragraphs that deal with the possibility authors have to write
about the same matter, are so subtle that they are of very little use,
and conclude by solving any uncertainty in a way that is untrue. So that the
second author of a work on logarithms, for example, can call it his,
it is not neccesary that he had made the calculations without
copying them from someone else (which would be seriously
difficult to find out if there was a perfectly similar other
one before), it would be however necessary to separate the plan
and details from the other one, reducing, extending or adding
something new to it, so that the learned would know that it was
a different work, at least in the main part.– Anyone could challenge Mr. Escriche’s
conclusion that dictionaries are defined as treaties that
cannot be presented in two different ways.
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8. There are three mistakes in the next paragraph, one is of little
importance and the other two of vital importance. The first begins by saying
that it has already been seen that two authors can compose their
works under the same title . Mr. Escriche had not mention this issue
before since he can only referred to the possibility that they can work
on the same subject matter.
One of the greatest mistakes is that that Mr. Escriche limits the property
rights in titles to newspapers , and therefore all the arguments
he adduces in their favour, are equally applicable to the rest of works. For
this reason French Courts decided a short time ago in favour of Mr.
Michaud, if I am not wrong, that he could not take another title for
Biographie universellewhich he had given to his
Dictionary; this judgment is based on the decision by the Cour of Cassation
of 28 of the floral month of the year XII of the Republic, which is a
precedent because in France it almost has the force of law.
The second important mistake is where he deals with newspapers,
and we can read: The writings already published are
of the same nature as all other literary compositions,
and consequently nobody can re-print or sell them without authorisation
from their owners. Mr. Escriche uses a dark and ambiguous
term such as writings already published, which he repeats twice,
those typical in a newspaper, which some calleditorials; but neither
these, nor those of news, taken from the private correspondence of the
publisher or editors, are of the same nature as other intellectual
productions since they show various issues that neither the legislator
not the judge should lose sight of. Evening newspapers in France
used to repeat the editorials published in the morning newspapers;
and the only thing that was ordered a few years ago was that they
could not be re-printed until the following day, since you do not have
to be so clever to know that there is an immense difference
between these articles of interest that is very transitory or daily
and a pathology treatise or a course of mathematics.
9. Few judges would decide in the way that Mr Escriche does
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the fact that some author had transferred ownership of a writing
in general terms, and then a legal rule is enacted
extending that ownership. Undoubtedly the transferee would enjoy
this benefit since he would be subject to the detriment in the
the opposite scenario. It would be as if the buyer of a house located
in a bad alley, was to gain in value because a square had been built in
front of it, and as if the merchant who acquired goods which value
increased for the sudden prohibition to be introduced. The former
owners of the house and of the goods would have nothing to do
with the higher price taken by one or other.
10. The application to be given to the decree of 1834, regarding
works published before that time, counting the ten years period of ownership
that the inheritors could enjoy after the death of the authors, as
stipulated in its article 30, and not from the promulgation of the decree,
would be absurd, according to Mr. Escriche,
since it was the same as declaring that, by virtue of a recent law
a right that existed five, ten or more years before by virtue of another
earlier law, had expired, as if the repealing law could make
the repealed one not to have been in effect nor produced its effects
until the derogation act. If it is not easy to understand the subtleties
of Roman law concerning retroaction, badly presented by Mr.
Escriche in this case, everyone understands that the lawmaker in
1834, without making any innovation on what happened earlier, and
believing that the ten-year privilege was sufficient for the inheritors,
could say to those who had already enjoyed it for ten, fifteen or
twenty years: Be happy with this length of term which is equal to
or longer than the one those in future will enjoy. Of course this
would be much less of an extortion than if the lifelong ownership
was reduced to ten years; and Mr. Escriche does not reject this
as long as the said term starts to run from the day the law is
legislated. We should note that when the law of 1834 was issued,
no inheritor whatsoever was enjoying his rights because of earlier laws,
Chapter 1 Page 25
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porque none had come forward
promptly to ask for the extension of their privilege a year after
the previous one expired, according to what was stipulated in law
26 of tit. 16.
Based on the principle that the law gives every living inheritor
the ownership of works for ten years as from the date of its promulgation,
it would follow that whoever had enjoyed it for twenty years before
could enjoy it for thirty and only the author’s inheritors
could have it for only ten if the author had died the day before;
which contradicts the spirit and text of the law which establishes that it
cannot overrun more than ten years, and that these years are consecutive
to the author’s death. It would also follow that rights would resurrect after
they expired, and that some particular books would again be privately owned,
which had already become communally owned because the inheritors’ rights
had expired. In my opinion, this would be absurd.
Mr. Escriche adds that such an application would bebarbaric,
because it would unexpectedly ruin inheritors who,
trusting the law, had made editions that could not be sold because
of booksellers who would make other more cheaper editions.
Mr. Escriche does not consider a law barbaric for shortening
and restricting to a certain number of years an indefinite time that authors
and their inheritors had for printing and exclusively selling their works
as far as the specified term begins from the promulgation; and it favours it
with such a soft epithet, when he puts together a publication that the heirs made
(and not the author, who continues to own it throughout his lifetime)
with the one that the speculators could publish in the exceptional event
that quick sale of the work would provide an outlet for many simultaneous
editions. However, that could cause serious damage in certain
circumstances, and it would only force the inheritor to lower a bit the price
of his edition, but never less than the cost; and he would
always be given time for being the only seller as it was assumed
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his edition was concluded when the others had not started theirs yet.
11. It is untrue that it is currently projected, among several
European powers, and even American ones, to reach
diplomatic agreements for adopting an international law
that guarantees property for all authors, or at least temporary
protection of their works, whatever the nation in which they
were printed.European and American nations have too many real
and serious things to think about, before dreaming about those issues that are
unrealistic, according to what has been demonstrated. In Paris approximately
three years ago, several writers made a passionate call because the
Belgians were re-printing all their works easily. The Tuileries
office took the issue very seriously and appointed a commission
that consisted of authors and editors. As a result of their work, they
proposed an agreement between every nation be reached to reciprocally
protect the literary property rights of their authors. This absurd
idea was immediately rejected in various documents and the commission
was dissolved without having insisted that at least an agreement
with Belgium be reached. This country had motivated the claim
and it is a country that, due to its geographical situation, and since
the language and French money are the usual currency (identical in
value to the Belgian one), and taking into account the close links of
their kings with those of the house of France, for the aid they
gave to build an independent state, and for the protection
they continue to provide, it could almost be considered as
an integral part of the French territory.
12. Booksellers ought not to be very grateful to Mr. Escriche
for the favour he gives them by saying that today introducing
Spanish books printed abroad is punished by four-year prison sentences
and forfeiting their belongings;and even less for
his effort to resurrect laws 3 and 22 of tit. 16 of book VIII of the
Novísima, laws that are so unjust that, neither when they
were passed, have they been applied. Let's look back at the history
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of our political persecution, let's open, if you want, the bloody annals
of the Inquisition, and give me at least one example of a bookseller
who, because he introduced or sold books in romance printed abroad,
has been given the death sentence or either the loss of his belongings,
or that of perpetual exile, or even four years of imprisonment. Moreover,
when the one of 1838, and the Penal Code of 1822 reduced them in
art. 603 to a fine of fifteen to thirty five duros, Does
Mr. Escriche dare to claim its application? A considerable lack of criteria
is needed, or a huge surplus of heat, to appeal to similar extravagancies
and to add those that are related to the use that can be given to a work
introduced by virtue of the Order of 28 August 1834. Whoever brought
it for their own private use, can give or transfer it;
so it is not strange to find some of them at the disposal of the first buyer
in shops in La Trinidad or the Puerta del Sol, that could well be re-printed
(and nothing can prevent this) if the bookseller can sell them.
Something a little more worthy from the pen of the author of a Diccionario de
legislacion, would be to plead just for the opposite principle,
to use his zeal in expressly abolishing these laws, which
luckily only existed in writing, and are a real blot of our Code. He should
ask for art. 18 of the 1823 decree to be reinstated so that we are not in
dispute with the practices of some more advanced and civilized countries.
13. And lastly, what Mr. Escriche says finally about the French laws
that recognise property rights for the author and his widow throughout
their lifetime, and for their children for 20 years, is not completely
accurate and as clear as it should be. The decree by the Convention
of 19 July 1793 established in article 2, that in the ten years following
the author’s death, his inheritors or cessionaries have ownership of
his printed works. The imperial decree of 5 February 1810 extended
this right to the whole lifetime of the author’s widow, and to 20 years
for his children;
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but so that the widow can hold this while she is alive,
the husband must have assigned this right to her in their
marriage contract. If this stipulation is missing,
presumably what is stated in art. 2 of the decree from
the Convention would be applied. The meaning
of the word children has raised some doubts;
but on 4 May 1822 the Court of the First Instance of the
Seine ruled in the lawsuit between Mr. Agasse’s widow
and Mr. Verdière regarding the Curso de literatura by Laharpe,
that should be taken in the strict sense and which excluded
the collateral inheritors, whose rights were prearranged
by the law of 1793, and not abolished by that of 1810.
It is about time to finish the heavy task I have started.
What I have said should be enough for the editors of the Madrid
Gazette, to figure out that article that
they published; it is mistaken on its main object; almost all
the legal points that it incidentally mentions are bewildering;
it is an unpalatable allegation that gets involved in at every step
with already insinuated matters, some of which are inconveniently
mixed together. There are contradictions between them, and
to sum this up, everywhere you can see he (Escriche) is far from being a
model in language, style and knowledge, as they believed he was.
Their disappointment is less important than that of the public,
who, when seeing certain doctrines in the Diccionario
de legislacion, could take them for granted,
without examining them, and therefore they should be warned
of their contradiction with the good principles of law.
AN AFICIONADO TO JURISPRUDENTIAL
CONTROVERSIES
Valencia, 14 August
of 1838
Translation by: Kay Leach revised by José Bellido